The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in US history. Although many vice-presidents had to settle for minor or symbolic positions, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked that description and claimed the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a team because it implied that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the downing of any unidentified airplanes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney said the assaults transformed him, making him become focused on retaliation. Together with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Decisions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the waterboarding of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on inaccurate intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It was the right thing to do back then. I believed it then and I believe it now."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I observed, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, carelessness, and recklessness: in the worst case, lying, incompetence, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memorandum setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be threatened (including "obtaining essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be prepared to act independently when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of diminishing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a plot to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his predecessor's visage that each person had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous supporting striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or totally deceptive. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that found that no useful information had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a dark force directing Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly leave his domain? That is a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the presidency. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his period at the firm increased from his $258,394 while military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at over $20m|twenty
